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© 2023
Review of An Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough
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By Johnson, Samuel

Samuel Johnson: Johnson on Demand

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REVIEW OF AN ACCOUNT OF THE CONDUCT OF THE DOWAGER DUCHESS OF MARLBOROUGH (1742)
In January 1742, at the age of eighty-two, Sarah Churchill (née Jenyns), Duchess of Marlborough, published her memoirs in an attempt to vindicate herself and her late husband, John, Duke of Marlborough, the great military leader whose fall from power was then more than thirty years in the past and whose death had occurred twenty years earlier.1 In writing this work, the Duchess was assisted by Nathaniel Hooke (d. 1763), a nephew of the Jacobite politician of the same name. Appropriately, given the likelihood that much of it was told to Hooke, the work was entitled: An Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough, from Her First Coming to Court, to the Year 1710. In a Letter from Herself to My Lord—. Despite the fact that the gossip in this “tell-all” concerned people who had flourished thirty years earlier, Sarah Churchill’s memoirs caused a sensation, and her book was reissued ten times in single year.2 Cave and Johnson were quick to capitalize on the book’s popularity with a review in the Gentleman’s Magazine for March with excerpts in the notes. They followed these with an “abstract” in the April, May, and June numbers of the Magazine of a short book by “Britannicus,” A Review of a Late Treatise entituled An Account of the Conduct of the Dowager D—— of M—— (1742).3
Boswell, who indicates that Johnson acknowledged writing the piece, rightly calls his review of the Duchess of Marlborough’s Memoirs “a short but masterly performance” (Life, I.153). In the opening paragraphs, Johnson sketches a view of autobiography that he would later develop in Idler 82 (Yale, II.254–58), and he suggests several elements of his thoughts on biography in Rambler 60 (Yale, III.318–23). Although he did not approve of her moral character, as he later said more directly in Rambler 13 (Yale,


Page 66

III.68–73), Johnson praised Sarah Churchill’s work for revealing “the secret causes of important events” and for doing so with “an unaffected dignity of stile, and an artful simplicity of narration” (p. 68 below). Some of the passages Johnson chooses to quote from the Account are revealing for what they tell us of his political views at the time. He quotes, for example, the staunch Whig Sarah’s condemnation of the Whig hero and heroine, William and Mary, but also concurs in her disparagement of the Tory heroine, Anne, whom in 1756 he would refer to sardonically as “the then darling of England.”4 His defense of Harley in the last paragraph is, however, that of an orthodox Tory.
Unfortunately, the essay lacks a conclusion, coming to an abrupt end after a long footnote concerning Robert Harley. Thomas Kaminski has very plausibly suggested that the last page of the essay was trimmed to make room for an article by Thomas Wright that came with an expensive woodcut illustrating the path of a comet (Kaminski, p. 156 and n. 44).
The text below is from the Gentleman’s Magazine (XII.128–31). The review was first reprinted in Chalmers’s edition of Johnson’s Works (1823: XI.218–24) and continued to appear in later editions. Footnotes from the original are denoted “SJ’s” in square brackets. We have left intact the bracketed letters of the original callouts and notes, but we have added regular footnote numbers to keep the subtextual page in order. Many of the passages given in the footnotes are abridged or paraphrased versions of the Account; we have normalized the text by using quotation marks for these passages, although GM marked them as quotations in other ways, most often with italics.
[Review of An Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough]
March 9. Sir,
The Account of the Conduct of the Dutchess of Marlborough, having been so eagerly received, and so attentively considered, as to become even at this time of business, contests, wars and revolutions, the most popular topic of conversation, you may perhaps willingly admit into your collection this short essay upon it, which does not appear written with an intention to please or offend any party.
The universal regard, which is paid by mankind to such accounts of publick transactions as have been written by those who were engaged in them, may be, with great probability ascribed to that ardent love of truth, which nature has kindled in the breast of man, and which remains even where every


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other laudable passion is extinguished. We cannot but read such narratives with uncommon curiosity, because we consider the writer as indubitably possessed of the ability to give us just representations, and do not always reflect, that, very often, proportionate to the opportunities of knowing the truth, are the temptations to disguise it.1
Authors of this kind, have at least an incontestable superiority over those whose passions are the same, and whose knowledge is less. It is evident that those who write in their own defence, discover often more impartiality, and less contempt of evidence, than the advocates which faction or interest have raised in their favour.
It is, however to be remembred, that the parent of all memoirs, is the ambition of being distinguished from the herd of mankind, and the fear of either infamy or oblivion, passions which cannot but have some degree of influence, and which may at least affect the writers choice of facts, though they may not prevail upon him to advance known falshoods. He may aggravate or extenuate particular circumstances, though he preserves the grand transaction; as the general likeness may be preserved in painting, though a blemish is hid or a beauty improved.
Every man that is sollicitous about the esteem of others, is in a greater degree desirous of his own, and makes by consequence his first apology for his conduct to himself, and when he has once deceived his own heart, which is for the greatest part too easy a task, he propagates the deceit in the world, without reluctance or consciousness of falshood.
But to what purpose, it may be asked, are such reflections, except to produce a general incredulity and to make history of no use? The man who knows not the truth cannot, and he who knows it will not tell it;2 what then remains, but to distrust


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every relation, and live in perpetual negligence of past events; or, what is still more disagreeable, in perpetual suspense.3
That by such remarks, some incredulity is indeed produced, cannot be denied, but distrust is a necessary qualification of a student in history.4 Distrust quickens his discernment of different degrees of probability, animates his search after evidence, and perhaps heightens his pleasure at the discovery of truth; for truth, though not always obvious, is generally discoverable, nor is it any where more likely to be found than in private memoirs, which are generally published at a time when any gross falshood may be detected by living witnesses, and which always contain a thousand incidents, of which the writer could not but have acquired a certain knowledge, and which he has no reason for disguising.
Such is the account lately published by the dutchess of Marlborough, of her own conduct, by which those who are very little concerned about the character which it is principally intended to preserve or to retrieve, may be entertained and instructed. By the perusal of this account, the enquirer into human nature may obtain an intimate acquaintance with the characters of those whose names have crouded the latest histories, and discover the relation between their minds and their actions. The historian may trace the progress of great transactions, and discover the secret causes of important events. And, to mention one use more, the polite writer may learn an unaffected dignity of stile, and an artful simplicity of narration.
The method of confirming her relation, by inserting at length the letters that every transaction occasioned, has not only set the greatest part of the work, above the danger of confutation, but has added to the entertainment of the reader, who has now the satisfaction of forming to himself the characters of the actors, and judging how nearly such as have


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hitherto been given of them agree with these which they now give of themselves.
Even of those whose letters could not be made publick, we have a [A]5 more exact knowledge than can be expected from general histories, because we see them in their private apartments, in their careless hours, and observe these actions in which they indulged their own inclinations, without any regard to censure or applause.
Thus it is, that we are made acquainted with the disposition of King William, of whom it may be collected from various instances that he was arbitrary, insolent, gloomy, rapacious, and brutal, that he was at all times disposed to play the tyrant, “that he had neither in great things nor in small the manners of a gentleman,”6 that he was capable of gaining money by mean artifices, and that he only regarded his promise when it was his interest to keep it. [B]7


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There are doubtless great numbers who will be offended with this delineation of the mind of the immortal William, but they whose honesty or sense enables them to consider impartially the events of his reign, will now be enabled to discover the reason of the frequent oppositions, which he encountred, and of the personal affronts he was sometimes forced to endure. They will observe that it is not always sufficient to do right, and that it is often necessary to add gracefulness to virtue. They will recollect how vain it is to endeavour to gain men by great qualities, while our cursory behaviour is insolent and offensive, and that those may be disgusted by little things, who can scarcely be pleased with great.
Charles the Second by his affability and politeness, made himself the idol of the nation, which he betrayed and sold.8 William the Third was for his insolence and brutality, hated by that people which he protected and enriched; had the best part of these two characters been united in one prince, the House of Bourbon had fallen before him.9


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It is not without pain, that the reader observes a shade encroaching upon the light, with which the memory of Queen Mary has been hitherto invested. The popular, the beneficent, the pious, the celestial Queen Mary, from whose presence none ever withdrew without an addition to his happiness. What can be charged upon this delight of human kind? Nothing less than that “she wanted [C]1 bowels,”2 and was [D]3 insolent with her power, that she was resentful and pertinacious in her resentment, that she descended to mean acts of revenge, when heavier vengeance was not in her power. That she was desirous of controuling where she had no authority, and backward to forgive, even when she had no real injury to complain of.
This is a character so different from all those that have been hitherto given of this celebrated princess, that the reader stands in suspense, till he considers the inconsistencies in human conduct, remembers that no virtue is without its weakness, and considers that Q. Mary’s character has hitherto had this great advantage, that it has only been compared with those of kings.4
The greatest number of the letters inserted in this account, were written by Q. Anne, of which it may be truly observed, that they will be equally useful for the confutation of those who have exalted or depressed her character. They are written with great purity and correctness, without any forced expressions, affected phrases, or unnatural sentiments, and show uncommon clearness of understanding, tenderness of affection, and rectitude of intention; but discover at the


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same time, a temper [E]5 timorous, anxious, and impatient of misfortune, a tendency to burst into complaints, [F]6 helpless dependence on the affection of others, and a weak desire of moving compassion. There is indeed nothing insolent or over-bearing, but then there is nothing great, or firm, or regal; nothing that enforces obedience and respect, or which does not rather invite opposition and petulance. She seems born for friendship, [G]7 not for government, and to be unable to regulate the conduct of others, otherwise than by her own example.
That this character is just, appears from the occurrences in her reign, in which the nation was governed for many years, by a party whose principles she detested, but whose influence she knew not how to obviate, and to whose schemes she was subservient against her inclination.
The charge of tyrannising over her, which was made by


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turns against each party, proves that, in the opinion of both, she was easily to be governed; and tho’ it may be supposed that the letters here publish’d were selected with some regard to respect and ceremony, it appears plainly enough from them, that she was what she has been represented, little more than “the slave of the Marlborough family.” [H]8
The inferior characters, as they are of less importance, are less accurately delineated; the picture of [I]9 Harley is at least partially drawn, all the deformities are heighten’d, and the beauties, for beauties of mind he certainly had, are entirely omitted.


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Editorial Notes
1 We draw on the ODNB biography by James Falkner.
2 SJ’s page numbers indicate he used either ESTC T18862 or N16617. We have used the former in identifying passages. It was printed in London by James Bettenham, for George Hawkins, at Milton’s Head, between the two Gates.
3 Jacob Leed showed that these further excerpts are not by SJ (Notes and Queries, CCI [May 1957], 210–13).
4 See “An Introduction to the Political State of Great-Britain” (Yale, X.145).
1 With these opening six paragraphs on autobiography, cf. Idler 84 (Yale, II.261–64).
2 See SJ’s Life of Addison: “What is known can seldom be immediately told; and when it might be told is no longer known” (Yale, XXII.637). Cf. Life, II.17.
3 Suspense: “Uncertainty” (Dictionary, sense 1).
4 Cf. SJ’s remark, “We must consider how very little history there is; I mean real authentick history” (Life, II.365–66).
5 [A] [SJ’s note] Among other anecdotes the Dutchess gives us the following:—K. Wm. who had no more Honour and Justice than to depose his father-in-law and uncle, to maintain liberty and laws, acted the tyrant himself in many instances, p. 21. See more of King Wm., Note (B). < > is capable of doing nothing but injustice. Mrs. Morley’s (Princess of Denmark’s) Letter p. 83. Mrs. Masham a woman whom I raised from the dust, p. 206. was morose, ill bred, soon learnt the art of dissimulation, an ungrateful underminer, an intriguer, p. 182.— Honest Jack Hill as the bottlemen [servants in charge of bottles] call him, was a tall ragged boy whom I cloathed, whom the Duke, tho’ good for nothing, made a colonel, &c. got out of bed, tho’ sick, to vote against his Grace, p. 180.—The Countess of Clarendon looked like a madwoman and talk’d like a scholar, p. 10.—Lord Bradford visited Ld. Marlborough in the tower.—Mr. Maul, rude, ungrateful and weak, p. 87, 88.—Lady Fitzharding a very good courtier. Lord Caernarvon half-witted, p. 110.—Lord and Lady Jersey act an odious part in sending perpetually to the princess an account of the king’s breath growing shorter and shorter.—A zeal for the Church eclipsed all other merit in the eyes of Queen A. p. 125. but the word CHURCH had never any charm for me.— Sir Nathan Wright, a man despised by all parties, of no use to the crown, nor credit to the Court of Chancery p. 147.—Ld. Feversham, a great speech-maker and publisher of speeches.— Sir C. Hedges (Secretary of State) had no capacity, no quality, nor interest, p. 169.—Lord Clarendon earnest to have K. James sent to the tower, p. 18.
6 Paraphrase of a passage on p. 115. For SJ’s low opinion of William III, see his Life of Dorset (Yale, XXI.331 and n. 4).
7 [B] [SJ’s note] The Dutchess gives these instances—He would not let the Prince of Denmark go in the coach with him, nor during the campaign in Ireland took any notice of him. p. 38.—After his Royal Highness had prepared his equipage and sent every thing on board, he forbade him to go to sea. p. 40—Would not see the prince who was in mourning, unless he came in colours. p. 114.—A respectful letter which Princess Anne writ to K. Wm. on his taking Namur, served no other purpose but to give the king an opportunity of shewing his brutal disregard for the writer; for he never returned any answer to it, nor so much as a civil message, p. 114,—and p. 115. I could fill a volume with relating the brutalities done to the prince and princess, I shall give an instance of his worse than vulgar behaviour at his own table; he eat up a plate of pease without asking the Princess Anne then with child to eat one. He allowed for the D. of Gloucester’s establishment but 15,000 l. a year out of 50 granted on that head, and never paid Queen Mary in France one shilling of the 50,000 l. also granted for her, p. 116. He dissuaded the D. of Somerset from lending Sion-House to the Princess. He discharged the D. of Gloucester’s servants on the news of his death by the first post, p. 120. To save some pensions, he forced the princess to fail in some of her engagements for the duke’s houshold. This being represented to the king as a mortification that might do her prejudice as she was then with child, “in a great passion” he said, “she should not be queen before her time, he would make the list of what servants the duke should have”; tho’ before he had sent a message that he would leave it to her highness to chuse all except the preceptors and deputy governor, on the authority of which she had promised several, p. 118.
8 In The False Alarm (1770), SJ implies that Charles “appeared to desire” and “endeavoured to deserve” “the affections of the people” (Yale, X.342 and n. 2).
9 Bourbons ruled both France and Spain throughout SJ’s lifetime.
1 [C] [SJ’s note] Of this she seemed to give an incontestible proof. The first day she came to Whitehall, she ran about it, looking into every closet, turning up the quilts upon the beds, as people do when they come into an inn; and with no other sort of concern,— tho’ her father had been so lately driven from that chamber p. 25, 26.
2 Bowels: “Tenderness; compassion” (Dictionary, sense 4).
3 [D] [SJ’s note] Q. M. declares “she was a Queen and would be obeyed.” p. 101.
Guilty “of insolence and ill breeding,” in sending a bedchamber woman into the princess’s room to enquire of the D. of Gloucester’s health, yet toke no notice of her R. H. [Royal Highness] p. 104.
4 “Her reputation was fiercely disputed between Jacobites and Williamites,” says W. A. Speck in ODNB.
5 [E] [SJ’s note] The princess having left the king, she sent for me, told me her distress, and declared, “That rather than see her father she would jump out of the window.” p. 16.
6 [F] [SJ’s note] The following extracts of letters from Mrs. Morley, the name assumed by Queen Anne, to Mrs Freeman, the name she gave the Dutchess, are instances of this character. viz, “I beg it again for Christ Jesus sake, that you would not do so cruel a thing as to leave me. Should you do it without asking my consent (which if I ever give you, may I never see the face of heaven) I will shut myself up and never see the world more, but live where I may be forgotten by human kind [pp. 75–76]. In another p. 81, “Dear Mrs Freeman, farewell. I hope in Christ you will never think more of leaving me. I would be sacrificed to do you the least service, and nothing but death can ever make me part with you,” [cf.] p. 166.—“If my dear Mrs. Freeman should ever be so cruel as to leave her faithful Morley, she would rob her of all the joy and quiet of her life,” p. 82.— “Let me beg once more for God’s sake that you would never mention parting more; nor so much as think of it. Be assured, if you should ever leave me, it would break your faithful Mrs. Morley’s heart,” p. 83. Princess’s letter to Lady Marlborough.—Again, “your poor unfortunate faithful Morley,” [p. 157] (always stiling herself so after the death of the D. of Gloucester.)
Again, “Your notion of a true Whig and the character which you give of them does not in the least belong to them but to the Church. But I will say no more, only beg for my poor sake, that you will not shew more countenance to those you seem to have so much inclination for, than to the Church party.” p[p]. [128–]129
7 [G] [SJ’s note] “A friend was what she most coveted, and for the sake of friendship (a relation which she did not disdain with me) she was fond of that equality which she thought belonged to it. She grew uneasy, if treated by me with form and ceremony.” &c. p. 13, 14.
8 [H] [SJ’s note] See what her Grace says p. 229
9 [I] [SJ’s note] “He was a cunning and a dark man; of too small abilities to do much good, but of all the qualities requisite to do mischief, and to bring on the ruin and destruction of a nation. This mischiveous darkness of his soul was written in his countenance, and plainly legible in a very odd look, disagreeable to every body at first sight, which being joined with a constant, aukward motion or rather agitation of his head and body, betrayed a turbulent dishonesty within, even in the midst of all those familiar airs, jocular bowing and smiling, which he always affected, to cover what could not be covered. He had long accustomed himself so much to dissemble his real intentions, and to use the ambiguous and obscure way of speaking, that he could hardly ever be understood when he designed it, or be believed, when he never so much desired it. His natural temper led him to so expensive and profuse a way of living, that he had brought himself into great necessities, though he had long enjoyed the advantages of very great and profitable posts. One principal and very expensive piece of his art, in which he seems to have excelled all that went before him, was, to have in pay a great number of spies of all sorts, to let him into what was passing in all considerable families. It was remarkable, that when he came most into favour with the Queen, he was perhaps the only man, in whose ruin the two contending parties would have united, as one in whom there was no foundation to repose any confidence. And that when he came to have the greatest power with the queen, he had lost all credit every where else” p. 261. 262.
This just character, says the Dutchess, a friend of mine drew many years ago [p. 261, paraphrase].
Her Grace inserts also some of Mr. Harley’s letters, wherein he professes the utmost abhorrence of any designs levell’d at the Duke of Marlborough, “to whom we all owe so much” [p. 198], that he will himself endeavour a discovery of the villainy, as he served him by “inclination and principle” [p. 199], which a little time will make manifest. Upon which her Grace adds
“Is it not amazing, that a person, who could thus extol the Duke of Marlborough’s services to his country, speak of his glory as beyond the power of envy or malice to hurt it, and profess to feel such ‘a peculiar joy’ in the contemplation of it; is it not amazing, I say, that this very person should be, at the same time, contriving how to ruin that glorious man, in order to raise himself?” [p. 199].
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Document TitleReview of An Account of the Conduct of the Dowager Duchess of Marlborough
AuthorJohnson, Samuel
Creation Date1742
Publ. DateN/A
Alt. TitleN/A
Contrib. AuthorCave, Edward
ClassificationSubject: Sarah Churchill; Subject: Memoirs; Subject: Autobiography; Subject: Politics; Subject: History; Subject: William III; Subject: John Churchill; Subject: Queen Anne; Genre: Book Review
PrinterN/A
PublisherEdward Cave
Publ. PlaceLondon
VolumeSamuel Johnson: Johnson on Demand
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