Upon this, when the rest expressed terrour and hesitation, Cornelius a Roman Knight made an offer of his service, and with Vargunteius a senator agreed to go soon after onf the same night with other men armed and under pretence of paying Cicero a respectful visit, to take him unprepared and defenceless, and stab him in his own house. Curius, when he perceived how near the Consul was to danger, made haste to giveg him notice by Fulvia of the plot that was formed. They were refused entrance and undertookh so great a crime without effect.

Manlius at the same time wasi in Etruria putting the people in commotion, who having in the despotism of Sylla been totallyj deprivedk of the lands and goods, were by poverty and resentment disposed to innovation.2 Robbers of every kind he received, of whom the number was great in that country, and some of Sylla’s colonists whose passions and luxury had left them nothing of their vast plunder.

Cicero, when he was told all this, struck with the dread of mischief braking out in two places, being no longerl able bym his personal prudence to secure the city from treacherousn invasions, and not knowing ofo Manlius’s army either the number, or the designation,3,p laid before the Senate the state of things which had before been canvassed4,q by common rumour; and the Senate as the practice is in dangerous cases decreed that “the Consuls should apply themselvesr to preserve the state from diminution.”5 This commission given according to the custom of Rome, by the Senate to the supreme magistrate, enables him to levy troops, to make war, to use any mode of coercion, either to subjects6,s or confederatest in military operations to act without control,u and to judge in the city7,v without appeal, none of which the Consul can otherwise do, without the order of the people.

A few days after Sænius one of the senators read in the senatew letters received, as he said from Fæsulæ, in which it was written, that on the twenty seventh of October, Manlius with a great multitude had put themselves in arms; and what at such times is usual, some told of portents and prodigies, others of assembles held in secret, of arms convey’d,x and thaty the slaves at Capua and in Apulia hadz made an insurrection. The senate therefore passed a vote that Marcius Rex should be sent to Fæsulæ, and Metellus Creticus to Apulia, and the country about. These Men had both returned to Rome with the military title of Imperator but had denied8 their triumph,a by the captiousb objection of a small party, who practice to set every thing to salec that had in itd either honour or infamy. But Pompeius Rufus was sent to Capua, and Metellus Celer to Picenum, both Prætors with authority to raise forces proportionate to the exigence of the time and the danger.

It was voted besides that whosoevere shouldf give information of a conspiracy formed against the State, should be rewarded if a slave with a hundred Sestercia and his liberty, if a free man with two hundred and his pardon.9 And further, that the bands of gladiators should be distributed to Capua, and other Towns, as theyg were able to receive them, and that a watch should be set throughh all the city under the inspection of the inferior magistrates.

By all this society was disturbed, and the face of the city was changed; from the utmost gayety and wantonness, the products of a long peace, all now were struck with sudden melancholy. All was hurry, all was confusion; no place was thought secure, and no person was unsuspected. It was now ai state neither of warj nor peace, and every mans fear was the him1 the measure of his danger. The women likewise, to whom in the grandeur of the Commonwealth, the dread of war was a new thing, put themselvesk in distress, lifted up their hands to heaven in supplication, lamented over their babes, asked a thousand questions, and felt a thousand horrours, and dropping their Pride and their nicety, considered themselves and their country as in danger.

But the savage mind2 of Catiline still persuedl the same practices, though he saw the guards stationed, and was himself according tom the Plautian law examined by Paullus;3 and finally that he might conceal his guilt, and clear himself as if he had been insulted by a malicious charge, came into the Senate; upon which the consul Tully,4 either terrified at his presence, or enraged, made a splendidn and patriotick5 speech which he afterwards committed to writing and published. But when he took his seat again, Catiline, a complete master ofo dissimulation with a look of dejection and a voice of entreaty requested thep Fathers not to creditq any thing to his disadvantage without examination, that such was his birth, and such from his early years had been his course of life that he might with reason hope for all that was desirable, and they ought not6 that a Patricianr who had been himself, what hiss ancestors had been before, a benefactor to the commons of Rome, could desire the destruction of the Republick, when Tully a sojourner and ant inmate of the city7 stoodu forward in its defence.

He added other terms of reproach, but the clamour against him was general, and he was called Parricide, and publick Enemy; to which he answered inv a fury, since I am over-powred by my enemies, and driven to extremities I will putw out the fire, byx pulling down the houses.

Catiline then withdrew himself with great haste for the Senate to his own house, where after manyy thoughtsz finding that his ambushes for the consul had no success, anda that the city wasb by the watchc securedd from incendiaries,e and being able tof determine nothing better, than to encrease his army and before the legions should be enlisted, to make byg early seizure such provisions as were required, he went late at night with a small number to the camp of Manlius; but to Cethegus, Lentulus, and others whom8 knew to be daring and active, he left in charge, to strengthen the party by what means theyh could, diligentlyi to lay ambushes for the consul, andj to have every9 ready for conflagration, slaughter, and every other violence of war, andk that he would shortlyl advancem with his army to the city.n

While all this iso going on at Rome Manlius1 sends one of his people to Marcius Rex with a message to this effect.

We call heaven and earth2 to witness, illustrious Sir, that we have taken arms, not against our country, norp with intention to put any man in danger, but to secure our own bodies from injurious violence, being men who live in wretchednessq and indigence. Some of usr by the cruelty and outrages of Usurers,s driven from our country,t but all excluded from honour and from fortune. To have recourseu to the law, according to ancient precedents is not allowed us; and such is the Usurer’sv and Prætor’s cruelty, that after the loss of our patrimonies, our personal liberty is now no more. Your ancestors in compassion to the commons of Rome, have often made laws to relieve their poverty,w and lately within our own memory, because the load of debts was too heavy, with the consent of every worthy man brassx was paid as equivalent toy silver. Even the body of the Commons put into commotion sometime by the desire of power, and sometimes by the haughtiness of the magistrates has often taken arms, and seceded from the senate. But for our part we are not in quest of riches or ofz rule, which are thea generalb incentive to contention and war among mankind. We ask only for liberty which a brave man never loses but with life. We implore your attention and the senate’s to the wretchedness of the citizens, thec protection of the laws ofd which the Prætors partiality hase deprived us, we entreat you to restore, and not to impose upon usf the necessity of enquiring, howg when our lives are taken from us, they may be taken from us,3 they may yet be taken at the highest price.

To this it was answered by Marcius, that if they had any thing to ask of the senate, they should quit the arms and go to Rome as petioners.4 For such was the tenderness and compassion of the Senate, and Roman people, that none who solicited their assistance failed to obtain it.

Catiline sent lettersh on his way to many consular men,i and to every other man of eminent virtue, telling that surrounded,j as he was, with false accusations, and unable to stand against the faction of his enemies, he yielded to his fortune, and went into exile to Massilia, not because his conscience accused him of so great a crime, but that the publick peace might be preserve,5 and that no opposition of hisk might endl in a sedition.

Of a strain far different were the letters read bym Catulus inn the senate as sent to him in the name of Catiline, of which the copy follows.

Your eminent integrity, with whicho experience has made me acquainted, enables me to write in the midst of great dangerp this recommendation with the pleasure of confidence. Why in my present plan of action I would make no publish6 defence, and being consciousq of no crime would offer no satisfaction, it is as the gods can witnessr in your power to know with sufficient evidence. Provoked, as I have been withs injuries and insults, and cut off from the rewards of my wits and industry, I was unable to obtain thet dignityu of high place, and I then according to my custom undertook the general cause of the distressed. Not that I wanted ability to pay out of my own possessions the money borrowedv in my own name, while the generosity ofw Orestilla out of her fortune and her daughters will dischargex the debtsy for which others stand as securities,z but that I see thea unworthy adorned with honours, and myself excluded by false accusations. For which reason I have been led on by hopes such as are in my state sufficiently honourable, of preserving what remains of my rank and character. I would write on, but that, as I am told,b my life is in danger. I commend Orestilla to your care and deliver her up to your protection. Protectc her from injuries, as you wish your own children to prosper. Farewel.

He staid a few7 with Flaminius in the country neard Reate, whilee he excited commotion in the neighbourhoodf and furnished his party with arms, then went and joined Manlius in the camp,g with fasces and all the ensigns of authority. When this was known at Rome, the senate voted Catiline and Manlius publick Enemies, and fixed a day within whichh the rest mighti lay down their arms with full security, except such as stood condemned of capital offences. It was decreed like8 that the consuls should levy forces, and that while Antonius with his army made haste after Catiline, Cicero should stay and guard the city.

At this time, the Empire of the Romans was according toj my opinion in extreme distressk While from the rising to the falling sun the whole world lay conquered before them, and they hadl at home peace and richesm inn abundance, which in human eyes are the best things, yet there wereo some of the citizens obstinately determined to bring the state to ruin, for afterp those two votes of the Senators not oneq of so great a number was induced by the reward to lay open the conspiracy, nor did a single9 desert the camp of Catiline; such force of corruption had seized like a gangrene on the minds of many of the people.

Nor were those only disaffected who were engaged in the conspiracy; all ther common people by their love of novelty favoured the designs of Catiline, this was agreeable to their constants practice, for in every community those who have nothing envyt the worthy extol the corrupt, are enemies to establishments, and friends to innovation. Their dislike of their own condition prompts them to wish for anu universal change; by disturbancev and sedition the1 are maintained without care, for poverty is easily to be had,w and has nothing to lose.

But inx the Commons of Rome many motives hurried them to mischiefs. First such as distinguished themselves by scandal and petulance; others, who had ignominiously lost their patrimonies; and all whom their crimes or vices had driven from their proper abodes, all fell intoy Rome, as to a common drain, and yet many who remembred the victories of Sylla, and saw some of his common soldiers sitting in the Senate, others so wealthyz that they lived in the splendor and luxury of kings, all hoped if they were once in arms,a a victory would enrichb them inc the same manner. The young men likewise who lived in the country by the labour of their hands having their spirits put in motion by private and publick largesses thought the idleness of town life more delightfuld thane painfulf drudgery. These and all the rest fed their hopes upon publick calamities. Norg is it matter of much wonderh that indigent men, with corrupt manners, and larger hopes should with equal unconcern put their country and themselves in danger.

There were yet others whose parents had after Sylla’s victory been proscribed, whose propertyi had been seized and liberty violated. These werej waitingk for the event of a war, with very nearlyl in2 the same intentions.m To these were joined all those that were of any faction that opposed the Senate, who wished rather to see the state in confusion than to be themselves of no consequence.

This pest found its way again in to the government many years afterwards; for when inn the consulship of Pompey and Crassus3 the power of the tribunes was restored, Young Men invested with supreme authority, at ano age and with a temperp disposed to violence, began for the advancement of their own fame and power, to censure the senate, and irritate the people, and to inflame them yet more, by donatives and promises, to those opposition was very strenuously made by most of the nobles, who professingq to support the Senate, struggled in defence of their own greatness. For, to tell the truth without many words, whoever in those days put the publick in commotion, though inr specious terms they made a show of general good, some as defenders of the people’s right, and others of the senate’s authority were striving each for his own interests; the contest was carried to extremities without decency without moderation, and victory was4 either party used with cruelty.

But after Pompey5 was sent to the war against the Pirates, and against Mithridates, the people’s authoritys was diminished, and the power of a few greatt men was enlarged,u who laid hold on the offices of state, on the Provinces, and every thing else, and flourishing in prosperity abovev the reach of any attack, threatened every one else with prosecutions to keep the people quiet under their government, but no sooner was hope quickened by a prospect of innovation, than the same spirit was raised by the old quarrel.

Had Catiline in the first battle gained aw victory, or parted upon equalx terms, there is no doubt but much bloodshed and great miseryy would have crushed the Commonwealth; nor would conquerors have longerz enjoyed their victory than till some stronger hazard should have fastened upon them spenta and exhausted as they must have been, and deprived them of power and liberty together.

Many however who had not engaged in the conspiracy went at first over to Catiline, as Fulvius the son of a senator, who was seized on the road, and being brought back suffered death by his Fathers order.

At the same time Lentulus, as Catiline had directed was at Rome, practicing either himself or by his agents, upon all whose condition or character made them likely to wish for changes in the state, nor did heb confine his application to citizens, but invited all of every classc whose service could be of use.

He therefore employedd a man whose name was Umbrenus to find oute the Ambassadors of the Allobroges,6 and persuade them, if he could, to take part in the war for as they were loaded with publick and particular debt, and the Gauls are naturally a warlikef race, he supposed that without difficulty their concurrence mightg be obtained.

Umbrenus, who had been employed in Gaul, knew the chiefs, and was known to them, he therefore, without delay meeting the Ambassadors in the forum, asked a few questions about their nation, and as if he commiserated their condition, asked them what hope they had seeing7 the end of their misery;h and when he found them lamentingi the avarice of the magistrates, complainingj that the senate gave them no assistance, and expecting no release from the distresses but by death; Ifk you but be men, said he, I will show you a way by which you may escape from all your grievances.

Thel Allobroges, when he talked thus being persuadedm to hope great things,n entreated Umbrenus to have pity on them, for there was nothing, whatever might be the hardship or difficulty, that they would not do to rid their country of debt. Umbrenus then took them into the house of Brutus, which was near the forum, and which Sempronia, for Brutus was then away from Rome, made not unfavourable to the design.o That his talk might have more credit he called in Gabinius, and in his presence, openedp the whole conspiracy naming their associates and among them many innocent men of every sort, that the courageq of the Ambassadors might be more raised, and having obtained a promise of their assistance sent them away.

But the Allobroges were long in doubt what resolution they should take. On one side was a load of debts, an inclinationr to war and the greats prize included in the hope of success; on the other was greater power, a plan without danger, and instead of casual hope, a certainty of reward. When all this had been considered the good fortune of the Republick at last prevailed; the whole business, therefore, according to their knowledge, they disclosed to Fabius Sanga, of whoset good offices they made use as the patron of their state.

Cicero, upon Sanga’s information, directed the ambassadors, that they should show themselves wholly devoted to the conspiracy,u and should go amongst the others with liberal promises, and endeavour by all means to collect the clearest evidence against them.

About this8 there were insurrections in the hither and the further Gaul, and in Picenum, Bruttium, and Apulia, for the agents of Catiline, without discretion and like men struck with madness, were doing every thing at once, and by assemblies in the night, the removal of armour and weapons, and by a general hurry and agitation caused more fear than danger. Many of their number were,v according to a vote of the senate, sent to prison, after examination, by Metellus Celer the prætor and in the further Gaul by Muræna who had been deputed to the government of that province.9

But in the city Lentulus and others who were at the head of the conspiracy, having collected, as was thought, great bodies of men, had settled the scheme, that when Catiline should come into the country about Fæsulæ, Bestia the tribune of the people,1 should call an assembly, and byw complaining of Ciceros prosecution through2 upon the most worthy Consul the blame of ax most destructive war, and upony that signal, the whole swarmz of the conspirators should performa every man his part. The disposition is said tob have been this. Statilius and Gabinius with a numerous party, were to fire the city in twelve proper places, that in the confusion, it might be more easyc to forced a way to the consul and the rest, whoe were secretly beset.f Cethegus was to besiege the Consuls3 door and act violence upon him, and of the rest tog each was assigned his man. The young men, of whom the greater part wereh of the nobility, if they had fathers were to murder them, and then amidst the generali horrorj of slaughter and conflagration, they should burst away to Catiline. Amidst all these designs and preparations Cethegus was perpetually finding fault with the inactivity as by hesitation and delay they lost day after day, great opportunities, that undertaking of such hazard demanded action rather than counsel, and that, if only a few would give him their assistance, while thek rest lay still, he would attack the senate house; as he was naturally ferocious, ardent, and valiant,l he considered the quickestm as the best way.

The Allobroges,n according to Cicero’s direction by means of Gabinius, obtaino a meeting with the rest, and from Lentulus, Statilius, Cethegus, and even Cassius, demand an oathp formally signed which they might carry to their countrymen, who without it would not be easily driven into such a business. The rest gave it without suspicion, but Cassius promising to come quickly leftq the city a littler before the Ambassadors.s Lentulus with the ambassadorst sent one Volturcius of Crotona,4 that before they went home they might confirm their combinationu with Catiline by mutual pledges of fidelity, and in the hands of Volturcius he put av letter to Catiline in these words

Who I am, the Messenger will tell you. It is now time to reflect on your distress, and remember to be a Man, consider what your present circumstances require, ask help from all even the meanestw of mankind.

This he accompanied with a verbal message that since the senate had voted him a publick enemy he was no longer to rejectx the slaves, that in the city every5 was ready as he had ordered, and he ought to advance without delay.

Cicero having information from the ambassadors, after these transactions, on the night settledy for their departure, gives orders to the prætors Valerius Flaccus and Pomptinus6 that by emissaries stationed secretly at the Mulvianz Bridge they should seize the train of the Allobroges, telling them all the reasons for which they were sent, and leaving them to act afterwards as necessity might require.

The soldiers, as they were ordered stationing the several guards without bustle, beset the bridgea undiscovered. When the Allobroges and Volturcius reached the place, and an outcry was raised on bothb parts, the Gaulsc soon aware of the designd immediately delivered themselves up to the prætors. Volturcius at first encouraginge the others, defended him from the crowd with his sword, but when he was forsaken by the ambassadors, having pressedf Pomptinus to whom he was known, veryg earnestly for a promise of security,h at last sinking into timidity, and thinkingi his life in danger, surrendered him self to the prætors, as to a hostile power.

When this service was performed, an account was speedily sent by Messengers to the Consul, who was now possessedj at once by joy and anxiety in the highest degree. That by the discovery of the conspiracy the city was putk out of danger, hel rejoiced; but finding men of such high rank detectedm in muchn guilt, he was at a loss how to proceed, theiro punishment would loadp him with reproach, their escape would be the ruin of the state. Havingq therefore settled his resolution, he ordersr to appear before him Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, Gabinius, ands one Cæparius of Terracina who was going into Apulia to raise an insurrection of the slaves. The rest comet immediately, Cæpariusu having left the house a little before, discovering that they were detected, wasv run out of the city. The consul, because Lentulus was Prætor bringsw him forward in his own hand, and orders the restx toy come with guards into the temple of concord, to which he summons the senate and inz a very numerous assemblya of that order, commands Volturcius with the Ambassadors to be brought before them and Flaccus the Prætor to produce the box of letters which the Ambassadors had put into his hands.

When Volturcius was examined concerning the letters, and asked whither he was going, with what design, and for what reason, he at first invented a different story, and said nothing of the conspiracy,b but being required to speak withc a promise he laid opend the whole as it was. That he had a few dayse before been enlisted as an accomplice by Gabinius and Cæparius, and that he knew no more than the ambassadors, only Gabinius used to say that Autronius, Servius Sylla, and Vargunteius7 were engaged in the plot. The same was owned by the Gauls, who against the denial of Lentulus urged besides his letter his common talk, that, by the Sybils books,f Rome was to be three times subjectg to Cornelius, that Cinna andh Sylla had already governed, and that he was third whosei fate it wasj to be master of the city. Besides, that it was now since the capitol was burnt the twentieth year, which the soothsayers had returned, as foreshown by prodigies to be sanguinary8 with civil war.

When the letters were,9 and every man had acknowledged his own signature, the senate decreed that Lentulus should be deprived of his office, and with the rest be kept in custody but not in prison. In consequence of this Lentulus is put into the hands of Lentulus Spinther, then Edile; Cethegusk into those of Cornificius; Statilius of Cæsar; Gabinius of Crassus, and Cæparius, who had been caught andl brought back, to Terentius the senator.1

At the time, when the wholem of the plot was made publick the common people who were before well inclined to a war, changed theirn minds, cursed Catiline and his schemes, extolledo Cicero to the skies,p and like men rescued from slavery acted all the parts ofq gayety and joy. The other operationr of war,s ended in plunder without further mischiefs, but fire,t they said, was cruel beyond the common bounds of hostility, and would have to them2 particularly distressful, who had commonly nothing than what was of daily use, and necessary to the support of life.